Assam’s Identity Politics Deepens as BJP Links Land Grabs to Religious Demography

In a statement that is likely to stir debate across Assam’s political spectrum, BJP’s Chief Spokesperson Kishore Upadhyay on Thursday issued a strongly-worded critique of what he called an ongoing “demographic and cultural invasion” by illegal immigrants, specifically those of Bengali-origin Muslim descent.

Speaking from the party’s state headquarters at Atal Bihari Vajpayee Bhawan, Upadhyay claimed that successive Congress governments enabled what he termed an “unchecked infiltration,” which he believes has now morphed into an existential threat to Assam’s indigenous ethos—its language, culture, and land.

The timing of the statement is significant. As political temperatures rise ahead of the 2026 Assembly polls, the BJP appears to be doubling down on its core themes: cultural preservation, land rights, and the need for assertive state action. But Upadhyay’s comments go further, explicitly calling for a state-backed “Bangladesh-origin expulsion campaign,” thereby raising questions about the trajectory of political discourse in the state.

A Land Crisis, or Cultural Flashpoint?

Upadhyay’s core accusation centres around the alleged large-scale encroachment of land—both community-owned and religious. He claimed that “illegal immigrants,” facilitated by political appeasement during the Congress era, have occupied a staggering 63,58,779 bighas of land across Assam. This includes grazing reserves, forest land, wetlands, water bodies, and even lands belonging to satras—monastic institutions integral to Assam’s Vaishnavite tradition.

He zeroed in on Barpeta district, long viewed as a demographic flashpoint. Detailing land allegedly encroached in specific circles, he listed:

• Borpeta: 2,908 bighas

• Sarthebari: 3,883 bighas

• Chenga: 570 bighas

• Barnagar: 2,649 bighas

• Kalagachia: 983 bighas

• Baghbor: 7,590 bighas

• Wetlands/reclaimed land: Over 3,200 bighas

Additionally, he alleged that 15,580 bighas of satra land have come under illegal occupation, claiming that several satradhikars (monastic heads) have been subjected to intimidation, assault, and in some cases, violence—including rape and murder.

Reading the Demographic Curve

A significant portion of Upadhyay’s address was devoted to outlining changes in the state's demographic composition. According to him, the Muslim population in Assam—recorded at around 12% in 1947—has now grown to approximately 37–38%, a rise he claims is not natural but “orchestrated.”

Drawing on 2011 Census data, he pointed to a marked shift in religious demographics in several districts:

• South Salmara: 95.2% Muslim

• Dhubri: 83.67%

• Barpeta: 70.74%

• Darrang: 64.34%

• Nagaon: 55.36%

• Goalpara, Morigaon, Hojai, Hailakandi, Karimganj: All over 50%

Even in districts that haven’t crossed the halfway mark, he cited significant figures—Cachar (37.71%), Nalbari (35.96%), Kamrup (39.66%)—as evidence of a “creeping shift.”

Upadhyay argued that what once destabilized Upper Assam is now beginning to reflect in the demography of Lower Assam. He warned that without decisive intervention, the socio-political landscape could be permanently altered.

Between Alarmism and Political Calculus

While Upadhyay’s assertions find resonance among segments of the BJP’s support base, critics and observers view the statement as part of a larger political playbook. With the National Register of Citizens (NRC) process currently stalled, and implementation of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) still awaited, the party seems to be leaning heavily on cultural and identity politics to consolidate its narrative.

“This isn't just a rhetorical outburst—it’s calculated groundwork for what could become the BJP’s central campaign pitch in Assam,” said a senior political analyst based in Guwahati. “It appeals to anxieties around land, culture, and identity, but also creates a moral justification for future administrative crackdowns.”

Notably, the call for a structured “expulsion drive” mirrors the language and sentiment of Assam’s 1980s agitation era, albeit with a renewed ideological spin under the BJP’s broader Hindutva framework. Observers warn that such rhetoric risks deepening communal fissures, especially in regions already grappling with identity politics.

The Opposition Holds Back—for Now

As of Thursday afternoon, the Assam Pradesh Congress Committee had not issued a formal response. However, in the past, Congress leaders have consistently pushed back against similar allegations, labelling them “politically motivated fear-mongering” designed to distract from governance failures.

Previous opposition statements have also highlighted how the government’s repeated use of citizenship and migration narratives often coincide with politically sensitive moments—be it impending elections or backlash over economic distress, such as unemployment, inflation, or flood mismanagement.

A Long Campaign Ahead

Upadhyay’s statement signals more than just a press conference—it signals the tone for an extended campaign season. Whether the BJP will act upon these claims administratively, or continue to use them primarily as a political device, remains to be seen. But one thing is clear: Assam’s already delicate demographic discourse is poised to be tested again—and this time, with the full weight of electoral urgency behind it.

Also Read: "CAA Is Not for Assam": AASU’s Warning Amid BJP's FT Case Rollback for Hindu Bangladeshis