Bir Lachit Sena's Provocations Expose the Void Left by BJP’s Failed Foreigners Policy

A fresh crisis is brewing in Assam’s political landscape—one not between mainstream political parties, but within the ecosystem of indigenous identity movements. Provocative and confrontational remarks made recently by Bir Lachit Sena leader Shrinkhal Chaliha in Sivasagar have triggered alarm among rights-based political circles, drawing a sharp response from Raijor Dal chief and local MLA Akhil Gogoi.

What began as the Bir Lachit Sena’s call to expel “illegal Bangladeshi infiltrators” has, in tone and substance, morphed into a public threat of civil unrest, with Chaliha vowing open confrontation and communal backlash. His words now mark a troubling shift in the discourse on migration—one that replaces legal due process with warlike posturing, and reorients Assamese nationalism into communal terrain.

From Regional Assertion to Communal Aggression

Speaking to the media on Tuesday morning, Shrinkhal Chaliha accused indigenous Muslim groups of sheltering illegal immigrants. He warned that if they dared to protect Bangladeshis, they would not be allowed to remain in Sivasagar.

“We recently learned that an indigenous Muslim individual has claimed that their community will protect the Bangladeshi nationals. If they claim that, then we will react for sure and we will not allow them to stay in Sivasagar,” said Chaliha.
“We are ready for any kind of war… If Sivasagar burns, then it will. Bir Lachit Sena is not afraid of anyone. No MLA threatening will be taken into conclusion here.”

He also contrasted Islamic religious slogans with those used by his group, stating:

“There is a place 100 metres from Rangghar where some indigenous Muslims and suspected infiltrators are shouting ‘Nara-e-Takbeer-Allahu Akbar’. Have you heard us say ‘Jai Shri Ram’? No. We say ‘Jai Aai Asom’. When we speak against Hindu Bangladeshis, Marwaris, Biharis, we are nationalists. But when we speak against Muslim Bangladeshis, we’re suddenly called communal?”

The speech, widely circulated on social media, crossed the boundary from identity assertion to explicit communal antagonism, suggesting a willingness to spark direct confrontation in the name of Assamese nationalism.

Akhil Gogoi's Response: A Caution Against “Fascist Provocation”

The remarks prompted a strong rebuttal from Akhil Gogoi, who, in an open letter to Bir Lachit Sena Chief Secretary Rantu Paniphukan, warned that Chaliha's statements could provoke large-scale communal unrest in Assam.

Gogoi, himself a lifelong campaigner against illegal immigration and for indigenous rights, expressed dismay that the Bir Lachit Sena appeared to be moving away from principled agitation and sliding into hate-driven vigilantism.

“These are not the words of a nationalist leader, but a communal political extremist,” Gogoi wrote. “If your organization genuinely seeks to remove foreigners, provide the list to the administration. But when your members take it upon themselves to identify foreigners in rented homes, communal harmony is destroyed.”

He also condemned several incendiary slogans raised by Chaliha and his followers in recent rallies, including:

• “সম্প্রীতি শেষ, যুদ্ধ হ'ব” (“Harmony is over, there will be war”)

• “যদি শিৱসাগৰ জ্বলে জ্বলিব” (“If Sivasagar burns, let it burn”)

• “প্ৰয়োজনত হেংদাং হ'ব” (“If needed, we will draw our swords”)

Gogoi called these statements deliberate provocations—tailored not to protect Assamese identity but to ignite communal tensions for political leverage.

Between NRC Deadlock and Political Opportunism

This episode exposes the deeper fault lines in Assam’s enduring foreigners' issue—specifically, the vacuum created by the BJP-led government’s failure to deliver meaningful solutions after nearly a decade in power. The NRC remains incomplete, deportations are negligible, and Assam's migration concerns remain politically potent but unresolved.

Into this void, groups like Bir Lachit Sena are stepping in—not with legal tools, but with slogans of war.

“The BJP ruled for 9 years but failed to expel a single foreigner,” Gogoi wrote. “If there are one crore Bangladeshis as they claim, why has the NRC not been completed?”

Gogoi accuses the BJP of using eviction drives and communal symbolism as a pre-election strategy, while tacitly encouraging hardline actors to polarise the electorate—particularly in districts like Sivasagar that have historically resisted Hindutva influence.

Assamese Nationalism at a Crossroads

What makes this conflict particularly fraught is that both the Bir Lachit Sena and Raijor Dal claim to champion the same cause—protection of Assamese identity, language, and land. Yet their methods, tone, and ideological leanings now stand in stark contrast.

Gogoi, while staunchly anti-foreigners, upholds a legalist, constitutional approach: full implementation of NRC, recognition of legitimate citizens, and legal deportation of illegal migrants. Chaliha, by contrast, increasingly echoes the language and polarising strategies of the RSS-BJP ecosystem, despite his group’s Assamese regionalist branding.

“Let history not record that your organization stood with fascism,” Gogoi warned in his letter. “Our struggle must be against the State, not against ordinary people.”

He reminded the Sena that true democratic movements do not incite people to take the law into their own hands but mobilize to make the State act responsibly.

What Lies Ahead?

With Assam approaching a crucial electoral year in 2026, the politics of identity, migration, and communalism is likely to intensify. Groups like the Bir Lachit Sena may find themselves caught between genuine concern for indigenous rights and the temptation to ride the wave of communal populism. Meanwhile, voices like Akhil Gogoi’s represent an increasingly isolated—but urgent—appeal to return to principled, democratic struggle.

Whether Assam chooses lawful resistance or descends into communal confrontation may well depend on which of these narratives the people—and the political class—choose to endorse.

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