Political Unrest and Growing Protests: A Look at Bangladesh’s Interim Government- Part 2

Mira, Bangladesh and Prasenjit Deb, Guwahati, Assam

As Bangladesh's interim government took office, it carried the weight of numerous expectations from its citizens. However, as time passed, the objectives and actions of this administration have come under significant scrutiny. Questions surrounding its aims, and its behavior, have drawn comparisons to the political practices of former party governments. The government's conduct has, in some instances, gone beyond typical political standards, and it has revived many “old practices” in Bangladesh’s politics.

One of the most glaring issues during this administration has been the increase in protests and demonstrations across the country, particularly in Dhaka. The capital city has become a hub for various groups demanding attention to their causes. From Shahbagh to the Press Club and state guest house Jamuna (the official residence of Dr. Yunus), numerous protests have erupted as officials, employees, and citizens demand action from the government.

This wave of unrest began shortly after the interim government took office, starting with protests surrounding a national scandal. The largest gathering of protesters was composed of followers of the ‘Sanatan Dharma’ (Hinduism), who took to the streets on August 9 and 10 to demand their safety, the security of temples, and their rightful place as Bangladeshi citizens. Their protests drew concern from the Indian government, as well as attention from Bangladesh’s Chief Advisor, who met with their representatives and assured them of increased security measures.

Shortly after, a significant protest was led by members of Bangladesh Ansar Bahini, with around 10,000 Ansar members besieging the Secretariat to press for the nationalization of their workforce. Despite meetings with senior officials, including Nahid Islam, Adviser to the Ministry of Posts, Telecommunications and Information Technology, and Asif Mahmud Sajeeb Bhuiyan, Adviser to the Ministry of Youth and Sports, the protesters expressed dissatisfaction. After hearing the government’s decision to abolish the 'rest policy' and form a committee to review their other demands, the Ansar members became even more enraged, stating that their core demand of job nationalization had not been addressed.

In a dramatic turn of events, the protest intensified as Ansar members trapped officials and employees inside the Secretariat. Even after a meeting with prominent student leaders, including Hasnat Abdullah of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, tensions escalated. Abdullah posted a status on his Facebook page, declaring, “The defeated fascist forces have confined us in the Secretariat in the guise of Ansar. None of us can get out. Wherever you are, come to Raju (in front of Raju Memorial Sculpture of Dhaka University). Set us free.”

His post mobilized BNP-Jamaat activists, including Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal and Islami Chhatra Shibir, who gathered at the Raju Memorial Sculpture. Armed with sticks, around 2,000 protesters marched towards the Secretariat, leading to violent clashes between Ansar members and the demonstrators. Despite police intervention, the authorities struggled to manage the situation until army members arrived, forcing the Ansar members to flee, many leaving behind their uniforms. Videos of the incident, showing Ansar members being beaten and pleading for mercy, have since gone viral on social media.

The aftermath saw more than 50 people injured, with over 350 Ansar members arrested. However, details surrounding how the army managed to break the resistance of 10,000 Ansar members remain unclear, fueling speculation and rumors among the public. Despite this, no one has openly criticized the army's involvement.

The following day, thousands of rickshaw-pullers descended on Shahbagh to press for their own demands. Although the protest was intense, the rickshaw-pullers left the streets after receiving assurances that their demands would be addressed.

In response to the increasing unrest, the police imposed a ban on rallies, protests, and meetings around the Chief Adviser’s office, the Secretariat, the official residence of the Chief Justice, Justice House, and the High Court premises. The government also restricted gatherings near the Department of Fisheries.

Observers have noted that the government’s actions in handling these protests appear to echo the “old political culture” that was thought to be in the past. There is growing discontent among the public as many government advisors, student leaders, and other prominent figures continue to portray each movement as the work of the Awami League.

In various media appearances, government officials have claimed that after the fall of the “defeated fascists,” new enemies have emerged under different guises: first the “Dakat League,” then the “Hindu League,” followed by the “Ansar League,” and finally, the “Rickshaw League.” According to the government’s narrative, none of these groups have succeeded in undermining the state, and officials have urged the public to remain vigilant.

However, the reality on the ground suggests otherwise. Contrary to the government’s statements, the Awami League has not been involved in any political activities during this time, a fact well-known even to the general population. The government’s attempt to create scapegoats has been met with skepticism and frustration, with many seeing these actions as a continuation of the old partisan politics that once plagued Bangladesh.

Adding to this sense of disillusionment are reports of rising Islamic fundamentalism. Islamic political parties have openly declared their vision for a future Bangladesh dominated by fundamentalist ideologies. Concerns have also arisen over attempts to introduce a celebratory tone on National Mourning Day, proposals to alter the national anthem written by Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore, and unfounded doubts about the number of martyrs from the 1971 Liberation War.

The media, too, has played a role in exacerbating tensions. A large section of the press has been accused of spreading anti-India sentiment, fueled by public remarks from a 26-year-old student leader who has become an influential advisor. False cases against political opponents, forced resignations of teachers, and viral videos humiliating figures of authority have all contributed to the increasingly polarized atmosphere in the country.

As Bangladesh navigates these turbulent times, many citizens are left questioning the direction the interim government is taking. The terms "discrimination," "reform," and "new Bangladesh" are now under scrutiny. After just one month in power, the government has sparked controversy at every turn, leaving the people of Bangladesh wondering what lies ahead.

The actions and intentions of the current government have become a matter of national concern, as anti-India sentiments grow and the distinction between governance and authoritarianism becomes increasingly blurred. With political unrest simmering, and protests spreading across the nation, the future of Bangladesh remains uncertain.

Stay tuned for more on this unfolding situation, as we continue to bring you exclusive insights and untold truths in the third part of our report on the state of Bangladesh’s interim government.

Also Read: Bangladesh's Post-Revolution Reality: A Month of Unrest and Scrutiny – Part 1