Indic Liberals: Culturally Conservative, Somewhat Liberal

The question of liberalism’s political standing in India has been echoing through the seminar halls of universities and think tanks since 2014. A much-publicised Chatham House article encapsulated the dilemma: “Modi’s India has become less liberal but better governed” Yet, one noticeable omission in the overall analysis of this supposed de-liberalism is the lack of an ‘Indic’ perspective.

Indic Liberalism Is Political

The idea of a socially liberal nationalist contrasts sharply with 'Eurocentric liberalism,' making the case for a distinctly Indian form of liberalism - Indic liberalism. Nationalism is often viewed with scepticism by Western liberals. Western Europe, as a colonising agent, has seen nationalism being used to inflict great horrors on the colonised, whereas India, as a previously colonised entity, has used nationalism as an affront to the coloniser’s atrocities. After all, India’s fight for independence was a nationalist struggle by the colonised. Thus, using an imperial lens to put forth ideological grievances enables us to misunderstand the socio-political shifts in India. It is not farfetched to say that nationalism is the bread and butter of Indian postcolonial politics.

Labelling Indic nationalism as "right-wing" is, therefore, a misnomer. Championing cultural ethos and nationalism is not the exclusive prerogative of the right-wing in a postcolonial society. Nonetheless, there has been a consistent and gradual shift in India’s overarching liberal politics to an adaptation of a more Westernised way of looking at liberal values. On the contrary, the Indian right seems to be increasingly embracing indigenously generated liberal ideas instead of adopting Western liberal values. 

Take, for instance, the case of RSS Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat. In January 2023, in an interview with the Sangh’s mouthpiece, Organiser, Mr Bhagwat endorsed LGBT+ rights in a measured manner. He emphasised that LGBT+ issues are not new, and we must facilitate their “inalienable right to live.” However, what stood out the most was his use of Indic examples to justify queer rights. He used examples of Mahabharat’s generals Hans and Dimbhaka, to highlight how same-sex relationships have always been present in our cultural history. This shift towards a more culturally anchored liberalism challenges the Western liberal framework and illustrates how the Indian right, through Indic Liberalism, is reinterpreting liberal values in a distinctly Indian context.

This embrace of liberal ideas based on Indic ethos has clear political dividends. A survey conducted by the queer app ‘Romeo’ found that support for the BJP among Indian LGBT+ voters in the 2024 elections stood at a staggering 50.9 per cent. In stark contrast, during the recent American elections, LGBT+ support for the conservative Republicans reportedly stood at a mere 12 per cent. This shows how India's cultural ethos -flexible enough to incorporate certain liberal values - facilitates a portion of the population impacted by the said liberal idea to redefine their identity as an 'Indic Liberal.'

Indic Liberalism: Modernise Not Westernise

Cultural conservatism does not require Indic liberals to adhere to the maligned orthodoxies of the past. In fact, cultural conservatism is not inherently at odds with modernisation. The comparative malleable nature of Dharmic beliefs allows for a unique synergy between modernisation, liberalism, and cultural conservatism. So, while Indic liberals might take a firm nationalistic stance against illegal immigration and border control, they can still be equally committed to dismantling caste and community barriers within India, highlighting their heterogeneity.

Take, for example, V D Savarkar, the headlining face of the modern-day Hindutva movement. According to Savarkar, Hindu society was bound by seven shackles, three of which were directly related to caste- Sparshabandi (prohibition on touching), Rotibandi (prohibition on sharing food), and Betibandi (prohibition on intermarriage). Through these, Savarkar called for Hindus to let go of the idea that certain caste groups can’t be touched, dined with, or married to respectively.

Inter-dining, in particular, formed the cornerstone of his argument. Savarkar believed that caste-based distinctions would gradually crumble once people of different castes began to share meals. In ‘Hindutvache Panchparan,’ he wrote, “The impregnable fort of caste distinction has been cursed such that while it will not fall to volleys of cannonballs, it will crumble under the onslaught of sweet balls!” While Savarkar amplified the culturally conservative idea of a Hindu nation, he also amplified certain liberal ideals, particularly the dismantling of caste barriers. It must be noted that these ideals are yet to be realised and untouchability is still prevalent in Indian society. 

The presence of certain liberal values among the stalwarts of Indic ideology is not a recent phenomenon. These values have existed in principle for a while, though they have only recently coalesced into what we now recognise as ‘Indic Liberalism.’ Of course, this does not negate the political imperatives tied to these ideas, especially given that caste stratification continues to obstruct the broader politics of Hindu consolidation.

Indic Liberalism And Hindu Politics

Indic Liberalism is not confined to any specific region; it has become a pan-Indian phenomenon. A blend of Hindu identity politics alongside liberal values has gradually permeated large swathes of the country.

Take Assam, for example. The Lokniti post-poll survey following the 2019 general elections revealed that the NDA secured a staggering 70 per cent of the Hindu vote in the state, the highest Hindu consolidation in the country, surpassing even Gujarat and UP. In a similar vein, a 2017 CSDS survey highlighted that 82 per cent of Assam’s youth believed that eating beef is a personal choice and should not be infringed upon, while only 9 per cent of them opposed this view. On paper, these two surveys appear contradictory, especially since opposition to beef consumption is deeply embedded in Hindu political ideology which is heavily rooted in North Indian politics. However, the rise of Hindu consolidation coupled with the inherently liberal opinion on food habits in states like Assam and Bengal has managed to sidestep, or even challenge, this North Indian model of Hindu politics. 

On a side note, it must be pointed out that beef was banned in public spaces in Assam a month ago. This policy, which directly contradicts the liberal stance on food preferences espoused by Assam’s youth, raises questions about the tension between local cultural liberalism and the political imperatives of the state. 

The Shifting Overton Window

The emergence of ‘Indic Liberalism’ is a testament to modernisation, not westernisation. This stems from looking inward (Indic) rather than outward (Eurocentric). A case in point: an argument made for women's rights is the position of women in the Hindu Patheon and the involvement of ancient women philosophers and ascetics like Maitreyi, Gosha, and Lopamudra among others in the formulation of the Vedas. 

Without compromising the cultural ethos, Indic liberalism has given rise to a range of dynamic ideas. Some of the most contentious battlefronts in this context include issues like the entry of menstruating women into certain temples and the appointment of Dalit priests. The complex politics surrounding these debates are often shaped by the desire of organisations to attract corporate-minded Indic liberals. As a result, we see a dilution of hardliner conservative politics with the RSSvouchingfor Dalit priests in temples, supporting women’s entry into the Shani Shingnapur and Trimbakeshwar temples, and Mohan Bhagwat making a statement in the wake of the Gyanvapi dispute: “Why look for a Shivling in every mosque?”

This attempt to attract Indic liberals isn’t limited to the Sangh and the BJP. While the Sangh plays somewhat into liberal values since they already have a hold over Indic cultural ethos, the opposition does otherwise. This shift can be traced to the recent assembly election campaign trails of Priyanka Gandhi in MP. Listening to her speeches, one particular statement stands out: "Jab ham apne neta ka chunav karein, to usmein hamesha Prabhu Shri Ram ke usoolon ko dhoondhna chahiye." These words by Priyanka Gandhi in MP mark a stark departure from the Nehruvian approach to religion in politics. 

From Nehru’s opposition to President Rajendra Prasad’s visit to Somnath’s consecration to the evocation of the Ramayan in rallies, the slow but unmistakable blurring of the lines between religion and politics is becoming increasingly evident.

Indic liberalism plays a significant role in the blurring of these lines, as the very idea itself merges conservative cultural and religious ethos with liberal values. This creates a class of people positioned at a shifting postcolonial centre, constantly courted by opposing political forces. 

While the right wing is actively courting this significant emerging demographic, the opposition has yet to make substantial inroads. Efforts like Tharoor’s Why Am I A Hindu? and Bhupendra Bhagel’s Ramayana Festivals represent attempts, but, at present, Indic liberals seem to be aligning more with the Indian political right. If the opposition fails to engage with the rising wave of Indic liberalism, it risks losing touch with a growing electorate that is increasingly attuned to cultural shifts. Moving forward, it would serve as a political necessity for the opposition, especially the Congress, to court Indic Liberals to partake in the Indic zeitgeist and not serve this ongoing cultural renaissance to the BJP on a platter. All in all, it can be deduced that Indic Liberals have finally arrived.